Category Archives: Eastern Europe

Student Evaluation Day in Moldova

From Lenin’s Asylum: Two Years in Moldova, by A. A. Weiss (Everytime Press, 2018), Kindle pp. 53-54:

Lyudmila Petrovna asked if I could say a few words.

I’d prepared a stern lecture about the importance of homework and intellectual discipline. Pupils shouldn’t cheat. I wanted to explain why students needed books every day and couldn’t share pencils while taking notes. And though I didn’t wish to lecture anyone on proper parenting skills, I thought I might touch on the need to curb the smoking, drinking, and sexual assault in the school zone.

But I abandoned this prepared lecture. I feared anything negative I shared would lead to beatings.

So instead, using my best Russian, I painted a less dire picture. “Moldova is different than America,” I began. “My pupils are struggling, but that is to be expected. I don’t teach like a Russian. I expect different things and it will take the pupils time to understand these things. They play with each other too much, true, but they understand me more each day and I think soon they will speak English.”

All the faces in the audience smiled at me and I felt pleased with myself. The parents would be patient with their young learners. They would communicate that students should be patient with me, do everything I say, and stop sexually assaulting their classmates. I honestly thought we’d all come to this amicable conclusion.

Lyudmila Petrovna looked at the floor while she considered what to say next. On several occasions she’d rescued me when my classes got out of control. Her room was just down the hall and when she heard more than five kids screaming at once she’d rush into the room and threaten to kill anyone who didn’t shut up and respect me. The little ones feared her. And now she wanted the little ones to fear their parents.

“Any behavior problems?” asked Lyudmila Petrovna.

“Oh, certainly,” I said.

“We demand names!” shouted the parents in unison. And when I failed to list the offenders they shouted family names for me to inform on.

“Crimiac? Does he listen?”

“Osipov? Did he start that fire?”

I placed my palms in the air. I surrendered.

“Okay,” shouted Lyudmila Petrovna. “One at a time.”

We spent the next ten minutes going down the class roster. I named names. Little Sasha didn’t do his homework. Maxim didn’t stay in his seat. Anya habitually cheated. And so on.

The parents promised immediate improvement. I feared for these children.

But I no longer feared repercussions from their parents. These weren’t parents. As Lyudmila Petrovna called on each raised hand, she introduced the woman and her role in the student’s life. Before me were a handful of grandmothers, aunts, distant cousins, neighbors—but few actual parents. Things became clearer for me: many of those who acted up in my class had parents elsewhere in the world, working jobs in Russia or still farther away. Grandmothers looked after grandchildren. Neighbors stepped in. Older siblings took larger roles. I had assumed Andrei was sitting in the audience with his mother, but in fact he was there to represent his younger brother, Maxim. When their mother next called home he would give his report of little Maxim’s poor behavior and she would scold him over the phone from Italy.

Everyone thanked me before I left. One of the grand-mothers asked when I would marry. Seeing this as an opening for questions, others shouted out the suspicions they wished confirmed. How much could I be making per month in America? How well did I speak German? What type of spying had I accomplished in the past? Was the Peace Corps a consequence associated with the American penal system, and if so what had I done?

Leave a comment

Filed under education, family, language, migration, Moldova, Russia, U.S.

Language Lessons in Moldova

From Lenin’s Asylum: Two Years in Moldova, by A. A. Weiss (Everytime Press, 2018), Kindle pp. 26-27:

Our language instructor gave us directions to a landmark in the center of town, and we soon realized the directions had been intentionally complicated so that we’d have to ask questions of locals. Away from headquarters, we passed a yellow, onion-top church and were then sucked into the central bazaar, an outdoor black hole of discount merchandise. Anyone dealing any type of transaction came at us with booming Slavic accents, as if their words need only enter our physical space to stun us and take control of our wallets. I considered buying cheese, batteries, soap packets, tin cups for drinking, but managed to pass through without losing money.

Vendors conversed with their friends in shouts from stall to stall. Flip-flops, light machinery, dried fish, bulk tea, clothing, duplicates of keys, endless buckets of salted cheese, olives, rice, cucumbers, tomatoes, liters of wine in reused soda bottles. These vendors were the types who’d ridden with me on the bus in the morning—old babushkas selling whatever they had too much of at home. Grandchildren ran wild in the corridors of the bazaar, dashing in between, behind, and under the vendor stalls with their rubber toy guns.

It seemed everyone in the capital spoke only Russian. Romanian might have been spoken at home among family members, but Russian was the language of money, spoken openly at shops and on the streets. And though I understood the majority of volunteers sent to Moldova would learn Romanian in order to serve the poorest communities, I didn’t envy them. Unlike other colleagues, Jesse and I would never complain about policemen and bazaar women refusing (or unable) to speak Romanian, checks from all restaurants presented in the Cyrillic alphabet, and host families only speaking an angry-sounding foreign language to them at home, expecting them to respond to the sharp sounds as though they were dogs.

The din of commerce activity decreased once we left the maze of the bazaar. We hadn’t yet asked directions, still waiting for someone who appeared within our age range to approach. A girl walked fast and picked up speed as we addressed her, perhaps to shorten our opportunity to harass her. But she stopped shortly after passing us, having responded to the softness and insecurity in our accents. She pointed toward a busy intersection a block away and seemed disappointed that we ended our conversation by wishing her health and happiness. I think she wanted to tell us her name. At the intersection a woman selling popcorn perked up when she heard our accents and pointed across the street to a sidewalk art sale. At the art bazaar a man selling Russian stacking dolls said we were on the right track and asked where we were from, and recommended dolls to match any personality. He thought our accents sounded Polish. A block farther we stopped another girl and she pointed across the street to our destination.

McDonald’s.

Leave a comment

Filed under economics, education, language, Moldova, nationalism, Romania, Russia

New Peace Corps Teacher in Moldova

From Lenin’s Asylum: Two Years in Moldova, by A. A. Weiss (Everytime Press, 2018), Kindle pp. 16-17:

I was born in Ohio during the Cold War.

At that time Moldova wasn’t yet a country. Tucked between Romania and Ukraine, I’d never noticed it on the map during geography pop-quizzes or seen mention of it in National Geographic (my two childhood sources of world knowledge). Through pre-departure research I learned a recent civil war had ended, the president was a communist, and many outpost towns spoke Russian exclusively instead of the national language, Romanian. As the poorest nation in Europe, Moldova’s workers had little work—one in four adults left the country to seek employment. Those who stayed used their bodies for income and sustenance, working in the fields, yes, but also trafficking themselves to those trading in sex and human organs. It lacked an international marketplace for wine—its only export—so people tended to drink up what was on hand. It had schools without adequately trained teachers and politicians without scruples. Orphanages were filled with children whose parents had either departed the country or couldn’t afford to feed them.

Moldova needed a superhero, it seemed, not an English teacher.

I wasn’t the first American to be stationed in Riscani. Three other English teachers had passed through before me. Their site reports didn’t inspire confidence. “Kind of a ghost town,” and “very Russian,” one described Riscani. The mayor, a member of the communist party, was labeled “unhelpful and patronizing.” The schools were “terrible environments” which suffered from “daily disorder” and “undisciplined children.” Yet all the other volunteers had arrived speaking Romanian, and they’d clearly suffered for it. Each had recommended that future volunteers sent to Riscani speak Russian.

So there I was.

When I arrived at the Russian school for my first day of teaching, most people thought I was a parent dropping off a new pupil. I’d dressed in clothes purchased at the “professionals” section at the bazaar—a purple dress shirt with snapping breast pockets and a pink tie. Teachers asked if I was lost and told me where I might find my child. Sometime during the chaos of these first moments in the school, among the bodies of boys and girls and adults running to find the correct room, a small girl came up to me and complained that a boy had lit her hair on fire with a match. She showed me a collection of singed ends as proof. I understood nothing, patted her on the head and said, “Very good.”

I made my way to the English classroom, met briefly with the school director—a man with a naturally angry face attempting to smile—and was then alone with a class of fifth graders.

The look of serenity on my face was completely fake. Sweat rolled behind my ear down into my collar. I loosened my tie. I opened my mouth, but nothing came out. “Does anyone speak English?” I asked. Nothing came out of their mouths. I repeated the question in Russian, and almost immediately fifteen little hands began shaking in the air to indicate fifty-fifty. We did introductions in Russian and then in English and completed forty-five minutes of basic grammar and vocabulary. I could tell these fifth graders weren’t ready to write poetry. But they’d successfully introduced themselves and expressed their likes and dislikes. Nearly all had liked football and disliked mathematics. It seemed my new job wouldn’t kill me.

Leave a comment

Filed under language, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Ukraine, USSR

Polish Realia: Samurai Armor

From Czas Samurajów exhibit, Muzeum Narodowe w Lublinie, Lublin:

zbroja (yoroi) ‘armor

hełm (kabuto) ‘helmet’
ozdoba hełmu (maedate) ‘front crest’
nakarczek (shikoro) ‘neckguard’
maska (menpou) ‘mask’
osłona gardła i szyi (tare) ‘throat [and neck] protector’
naramienniki (sode) ‘shoulder guards’
naręczaki (kote) ‘arm protector’
kirys (dou) ‘cuirass’
osłona bioder (kusazuri) ‘hip guards’
nabiodrki (haidate) ‘thigh guards’
nagolenniki (suneate) ‘greave’ [shin guards]

Leave a comment

Filed under education, Japan, language, military, Poland

Polish Realia: Japanese Sword Parts

From Czas Samurajów exhibit, Muzeum Narodowe w Lublinie, Lublin:

Blade parts:
sztych (kissaki) ‘point of blade’
długość główni (nagasa) ‘length of a blade’
krzywizna główni (sori) ‘curvature of a blade’
tylec (mune) ‘back of a blade’
ość (sinogi) ‘ridge’
trzpień główni (nakago) ‘tang of the blade’ [inside the handle]
otwór na kołek (mekugi-ana) ‘peg hole’ [to hold the blade in the handle]
sygnatura (mei) ‘signature’ [inside the handle]
krawędź ostrza (ha) ‘cutting edge’ [lit. ‘tooth’?]
wzór po skuwaniu (hada) ‘pattern after forging’ [lit. ‘skin’?]
linia hartowania ostrza (hamon) ‘tempering line of the blade’
linia hartowania sztychu (boshi) ‘tempering line of the kissaki

Scabbard parts:
pochwa (saya) ‘scabbard’
zakończenie pochwy (kojiri) ‘end of a scabbard’
sznur (sageo) ‘cord’
uszko do sznura (kurigata) ‘cord knob’
jelec (tsuba) ‘swordguard’ [or ‘handguard’]
kołnierz rękojeści (fuchi) ‘hilt collar’
rękojeść (tsuka) ‘hilt’
oplot rękojeści (tsuka-maki) ‘handle wrapping’
ozdoba rękojeści (menuki) ‘hilt ornament’
kołek (mekugi) ‘peg’
skóra płaszczki (samegawa) ‘ray skin’ [or ‘sharkskin’]
nasadka (kashira) ‘hilt pommel’

Handguard parts:
krawędź
(mimi) ‘rim’
otwór na trzpień główni (nakago ana) ‘[main blade] tang hole’
otwór bocny na nożyk kozuka 
(kozuka hitsu ana) ‘side hole for a kozuka knife’
otwór bocny na szpilę kougai (kougai-hitsu-ana) ‘side hole for a kougai hairpin’
powierzchnia (hiraji) ‘surface’
wkładki dopasowujące (sekigane) ‘metal inserts’

Leave a comment

Filed under education, Japan, language, military, Poland

Polish Realia: Longest City Name

Najdłuższa nazwa miasta w Polsce
The longest city name in Poland

To miasto ma najdłuższą nazwę w Polsce! Znajdziecie je w Świętokrzyskiem
This city has the longest name in Poland! You can find it in the Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship. via Radio Eska [SK] by Agnieszka Jędrasik

Jaka jest najdłuższa nazwa miasta w województwie świętokrzyskim? Liczy się każda literka, a tych najwięcej ma Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski. I tu ciekawostka … miasto to zajmuje także pierwsze miejsce w Polsce, jeśli chodzi o długość jego nazwy. O innych ciekawostkach dotyczących długości nazwy miast i miasteczek w regionie świętokrzyskim przeczytacie w naszym artykule.
What is the longest city name in the Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship? Every letter counts, and Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski has the most. And here’s an interesting fact… this city also ranks first in Poland when it comes to the length of its name. You can read about other interesting facts about the length of names of cities and towns in the Świętokrzyskie region in our article.

Najdłuższa nazwa miasta w Polsce liczy sobie 22 litery. To Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski.
The longest city name in Poland has 22 letters. It’s Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski.

Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski jest drugim co do wielkości miastem województwa świętokrzyskiego. Mieszka w nim ponad 67 tys. osób. Obecnie jest siedzibą powiatu, prawa miejskie uzyskał zaś w 1613 r. Będąc jednym z głównych ośrodków Staropolskiego Okręgu Przemysłowego, odziedziczył tradycje hutnicze, których wizytówką jest kombinat metalurgiczny Huta Ostrowiec. Miasto położone jest nad rzeką Kamienną. Niedaleko od niego rozpościerają się cenione turystycznie Góry Świętokrzyskie. Nazwa Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski funkcjonuje od 1937 r. Wcześniej nazywane było Ostrowcem Kieleckim lub Ostrowcem nad Kamienną. 
Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski
 is the second largest city in the Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship, with a population of over 67,000. Currently the county seat, it received city rights in 1613. As one of the main centers of the Old Polish Industrial Region, it inherited a tradition of metallurgy, epitomized by the Ostrowiec Steelworks. The city is situated on the Kamienna River, with the tourist-friendly Świętokrzyskie Mountains nearby. The name Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski has been in use since 1937. Previously, it was known as Ostrowiec Kielecki or Ostrowiec nad Kamienna. 

Najdłuższe nazwy miast w Polsce: lista długich nazw miejscowości
The longest city names in Poland: a list of long place names.

Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski – 22 letters.
Kalwaria Zebrzydowska – 20 letters.
Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 20 letters.
Czechowice-Dziedzice – 20 letters.
Baranów Sandomierski – 19 letters.
Aleksandrów Kujawski – 19 letters.

Leave a comment

Filed under education, language, Poland

Polish Realia: Japan’s Golden Week

From Moja Japonia, by Anna Golisz (Petrus, 2010), p. 218 (with Google Translations into English):

Showa day – 29 kwietnia – dzień urodzin cesarza Showa. Przed 2007 roku, tego dnia był obchodzony Zielony Dzień, który teraz obchodzony jest 4 maja. Ten dzień jest częścią długiego majowego weekendu (Golden Week)
Showa Day – 29 April – Emperor Showa’s birthday. Before 2007, this day was celebrated as Green Day, which is now celebrated on May 4. This day is part of the long May weekend (Golden Week)

Dzień Konstytucji – kenpo kinenbi – 3 maja
Constitution Day – 憲法記念日 – 3 May

Zielony Dzień – midori no hi -4 maja, do 2006 roku obchodzono 29 kwietnia, gdyż były to urodziny cesarza Showa, który lubił rośliny i przyrodę
Green Day – みどりの日 – 4 May. Until 2006, April 29 was celebrated, as it was the birthday of Emperor Showa, who liked plants and nature

Dzień Dziecka – kodomo no hi – 5 May, przede wszytkim dzień chłopców
Children’s Day – 子供の日 – 5 May, originally Boys’ Day

Until 1948, Children’s Day on May 5 was known as Boys’ Day, which featured displays of samurai dolls, while March 3 was Girls’ Day, Hinamatsuri, which featured displays of princess dolls. (I was born in 1949, first arrived in Japan in 1950, and had 3 brothers born in Japan, but didn’t have a sister until 1956, when we were on furlough in the U.S.)

Leave a comment

Filed under education, family, Japan, labor, language, Poland

Majówka: Poland’s Golden Week

The Outliers spent a beautiful spring weekend visiting Toruń and Malbork. It reminded us of Japan’s Golden Week holidays. This week’s Culture.pl explains:

Majówka – the long weekend of 1–3 May – is one of those moments when Poland seems to collectively exhale. Anchored by Labour Day (1 May) and Constitution Day (3 May), with Flag Day (2 May) stuffed in the middle, it marks the first real opening of the year: grills reappear, trains fill up, and cities quietly empty out. Even in years like 2026, when the calendar doesn’t quite align into a seamless long weekend, the impulse remains the same – a brief, almost instinctive shift towards rest, travel, and being outdoors after the long winter months.

There is also something distinctly Polish in how this time is spent. Majówka is rarely about spectacle; it is about proximity – to nature, to family, to a slower pace. People head to lakes in Masuria, hike in the Tatra Mountains, or retreat to działki – small garden plots that have long served as modest escapes from urban life. The tradition of the działka itself dates back to the late 19th century and expanded under socialism, when access to private leisure space was limited; today, it remains a quietly cherished part of everyday culture. Even something as simple as lighting a grill becomes ritualised – a shared, almost symbolic act of stepping into the warmer season.

At the same time, majówka carries a subtle historical layering. The proximity of its dates is not accidental: 1 May, once defined by state parades, now sits alongside 3 May, commemorating the Constitution of 3 May 1791 – a symbol of political aspiration and national identity. Between them, a space has opened up that is neither entirely official nor entirely private. Perhaps this is why majówka feels so particular: it is leisure, but also continuity – a few days when history, season, and everyday life briefly align, and when doing very little becomes, in its own way, meaningful.

Leave a comment

Filed under Japan, labor, nationalism, philosophy, Poland

Polish Guide for Hebrew Gravemarkers

In an old Jewish shop in the Village Museum of Kielce (Muzeum Wsi Kieleckiej), I came across a very interesting poster to help Polish Jews inscribe gravestones in Hebrew.

Przykładowe Symbole Zawodu Zmarłego
Example Symbols of the Profession of the Deceased

Gęsie pióro – symbol skryby przepisującego Torę lub pisarza i literata
Goose feather – symbol of a scribe copying the Torah or a writer and intellectual

Wąż eskulapa – symbol lekarzy
Snake of Aesclepius (Caduceus) – symbol of a medical doctor

Możdzierz – symbol aptekarzy
Mortar – symbol of an apothecarist/pharmacist

Ekierka i cyrkiel – symbol inżynierów i architektów
Square and compass – symbol of engineers and architects

Lira lub harfa – symbol muzyków
Lyre or harp – symbol of musicians

Zegar – symbol zegarmistrzów
Clock – symbol of watchmakers

Napisy Nagrobne na Macewach
Tombstone Inscriptions on Matzevah
(with two columns, Hebrew column omitted here)

Tu pochowany (po nikbar) Here is buried
Ojciec father
Matka mother
Admor (nasz nauczyciel, pan i mistrz) rebbe (our teacher, lord, and master)
Cadyk (błogosławowionej pamięci) tzadik (of blessed memory)
Syn son
Córka daughter
Mężczyzna man
Kobieta woman
Kobieta (niezamężna) woman (unmarried)
Kobieta (zamężna) woman (married)
Moja żona my wife
Kohen (członek rodu kapłańskiego) Cohen (member of a priestly family)
Zmarł died

Miesiące
Months
(listing Hebrew month names with roughly overlapping Polish months)

image here

Leave a comment

Filed under education, language, Poland, religion

Polish Realia: Bee Dances

Taniec pszczeli Bee dance

Pszczoły przekazują sobie informacje za pomocą “pszczelych tańców.” Jest to system zożłonych figur, jakie zakreślają poruszając się po plastrze.
Bees transmit information to each other through “bee dances.” It is a system of complex figures that they circle as they move around the comb.

Kierunek tańca zbieraczki na plastrze jest wyznaczany położeniem pożytku w stosunku do słońca.
The direction of the forager’s dance on the comb is determined by the position of the resource in relation to the sun.

Taki system przekazywania informacji pozwala dotrzeć na pożytek oddalony nawet kilka kilometrów od ula.
Such a system of information transfer allows you to reach the resource even a few kilometers away from the hive

Zbieraczka powracająca do ula przekazuje informacji o tym, jak daleko jest pożytek. Robotnice pozostają w bezruchu a tańcząca zbieraczka uderza przy każdym ruchu odwłocha w ich wyprostowane cułki.
The forager returning to the hive provides information about how far away the resource is. The workers remain motionless, and the dancing forager hits their erect antennae with every movement of her abdomen.

Rodzaje tańca pszczelego Types of bee dance

Tańce werbunkowe zbieraczek informują pszczoły w ulu o obesności pożytku i jego polożeniu względem ula.
The foraging dances inform the bees in the hive about the usefulness of the resource and its position in relation to the hive.

Taniec alarmowe wykonują pszczoły zbieraczki po przyniesieniu do ula pokarmu zanieczy-scczonego szkodliwymi substancjami. Polega on na ruchu tych pszczół torze spiralnym lub zygzakowatym z jednoczesnym potrząsaniem odwłokiem.
The alarm dance is performed by foraging bees after bringing food contaminated with harmful substances to the hive. It consists in the movement of these bees in a spiral or zigzag path with simultaneous shaking of the abdomen.

Taniec czyszczący ma zachęcić inne pszczoły do czyszczenia ciała tancerki, która wstrząca ciałem i przestępuje z nogi na nogę.
The cleansing dance is supposed to encourage other bees to clean the body of the dancer, who shakes her body and steps from foot to foot.

Taniec radości, czylie grzbietowo brzuszną wibrację odwłoka, wykonują robotnice przygotowujące młodą matkę do lotu godowego.
The dance of joy, which is the dorsal abdominal vibration of the abdomen, is performed by workers preparing the young mother for the mating flight.

Taniec masażowy wykonywany przez robotnicę pobudza jej towarzyszki do “masowania” jej żuwaczkami i języczkiem.
The massage dance performed by the worker stimulates her companions to “massage” her jaws and tongue.

Image here.

Leave a comment

Filed under education, language, Poland, science